Charter Chat II
More about charters
The City of Murrieta, with a slightly
smaller population (~103K vs. ~109K in 2010) wrote this about charters:
…a knowledgeable, involved electorate should both propel and
constrain the direction of its own city. Local control has always been a
paramount matter of residents, businesses and the Murrieta City Council. Yet
state legislators and previous gubernatorial administrations continue to impose
far greater mandates, while at the same time hindering the ability of local
governments to operate successfully.
With little ability to protest, local governments have watched as the state government continues to balance its budget deficits on the backs of fiscally responsible local jurisdictions…The voice of cities in Sacramento has become mute due to a combination of special interest groups, influential political campaign contributions and tone-deaf lawmakers passing unfunded mandates. This process has left cities with little ability to petition the state government…
With little ability to protest, local governments have watched as the state government continues to balance its budget deficits on the backs of fiscally responsible local jurisdictions…The voice of cities in Sacramento has become mute due to a combination of special interest groups, influential political campaign contributions and tone-deaf lawmakers passing unfunded mandates. This process has left cities with little ability to petition the state government…
And further noted that:
A city charter is a unique document that acts like a constitution
for a city adopting it. Overall, this puts more control into the hands of the
residents.
The charter city provision of the state Constitution, commonly
referred to as the “home-rule” provision, is based on the principle that a
city, rather than the state, is in the best position to know what it needs and
how to satisfy those needs. The home-rule provision allows charter cities to
conduct their own business and control their own affairs. Therefore, a charter
maximizes local control.
Most of the opposition to city
charters is funded by organized labor, which includes groups called “associations”
rather than “unions.” (This reminds us of the line in Shakespeare’s Romeo and Juliet
“A rose by any other name . . .” Both suggest that the thing itself is not
defined by the word chosen for it.) We’ll use the terms “union, association and
organized labor” interchangeably unless otherwise noted.
Unions are businesses
Remember that unions are business
entities; they thrive by adding members and increasing benefits. So, they’re
frightened by a provision that allows city projects to be awarded by competitive
bidding (best offer from a reputable bidder.) If the city isn't forced to use a
union-labor contractor the number of union jobs is lower. That is, the union
business is operating at a lower profit level, and some responsible union
officials may lose their jobs.
Similarly, the unions have
unbelievable clout in California because of their ability to infuse massive
amounts of money to influence laws that benefit their members. This money comes
from “donations” that are assessed, and then extracted by payroll deduction to
pay for political activities.
Everybody's gonna donate -- or else
In theory, it’s possible for a non-union member (who
has to pay union dues anyway) to refuse the political activity deduction. In
practice, what labor wants (from employees), labor gets. Subsequently, the
money helps the union business grow. It funds intense campaigns to pass laws to
draw dues from non-members, laws to require union labor on jobs, laws . . .
The charter offered to Costa Mesa
in the last election was a good example. Between half and three-quarters of a
million dollars was infused into little Costa Mesa to defeat the charter.
If
the money had come from union members just in Costa Mesa there’d have been some
really small paychecks during the year. But it actually came from throughout
California. It was money withheld from everyone’s check as a “donation” if they
were required to pay union dues.
That Charter specified that dues
but not “political donations” could be deducted from paychecks. So, the union
officials would have had to convince members, specifically, to donate in
support of a cause rather than just not complain about the payroll deduction. Obviously,
unions vehemently opposed this potential loss to its profit and ultimately to
its power.
Details are up to the City
But detailed provisions for
charters aren't specified in law. Stockton and San Bernardino included
provisions to require union contractors and to set union wages and benefit
increases in a manner that soon bankrupted the cities.
Another Charter says
Anaheim’s charter includes 15 articles,
or chapters pertaining to specific subjects. These are:
ARTICLE I. NAME OF CITY
ARTICLE II. BOUNDARIES
ARTICLE III. RIGHTS, LIABILITIES AND SUCCESSION
ARTICLE IV. POWERS OF CITY
ARTICLE V. CITY COUNCIL
ARTICLE VI. CITY MANAGER
ARTICLE VII. OFFICERS AND EMPLOYEES
ARTICLE VIII. Left Blank Intentionally
ARTICLE IX. APPOINTIVE BOARDS AND COMMISSIONS
ARTICLE X. PERSONNEL SYSTEM
ARTICLE XI. RETIREMENT
ARTICLE XII. FISCAL ADMINISTRATION
ARTICLE XIII. ELECTIONS
ARTICLE XIV. FRANCHISES
ARTICLE XV. MISCELLANEOUS
Within each article are sections
pertaining to matters that affect the subject of the article. Every specific section or rule should discuss one specific matter. Then it’s possible to find and
to refer to that matter by a unique number.
Save what's inside for later
We’ll discuss this charter’s
provisions in future posts, along with how each provision might affect Costa
Mesa if it appeared in our charter.
It’s not difficult, but it’s sometimes
boring to read a charter since there is a lot of boiler-plate to meet legal needs.
It’s interesting to explore, though, and to speculate how each article would affect our City.
We’ll omit the boring boilerplate as much as
possible.
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